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Državna poduzeća: Najtvrđi orah za Plenkovićevu vladu – profesionalizirati uprave

Public and professional disputes about what kind of capitalism we live in can be most quickly interrupted by looking at the state’s share in the overall economy. Although its influence, among other things in the context of budget expenditures and public procurement, is significantly greater (for years estimates hover around 60 percent share in the economy), a not bad measure is the number of companies in state ownership. Although the number of companies under state auspices does not change (it has hovered around a thousand for years), the trend is good: their share in the economy is decreasing. Measured by sales revenue (from seven to 5.3 percent in five years) and the number of employees (from 10.2 to 9.2 percent) and newly created value (from 12.4 to 8.8 percent).

However, this did not happen due to active and (well) intended government policy, but due to the flourishing of the private sector, especially in the last three to four years. And in the rush of good GDP trends, we somehow forgot about the type of capitalism at the beginning of the story. Crony (engl. crony) capitalism is only occasionally brought to our attention, from scandal to scandal, and in the time between media upheavals, we regularly forget to demand reform of state-owned enterprises. Which persistently remains absent. And there are at least 13.5 billion euros of reasons for that. This is the amount of revenue from state-owned enterprises from which politics draws its real power.

Everything is about timing

No one, of course, expects that anyone will voluntarily give up. Fortunately, membership in various clubs (NATO, EU, eurozone, Schengen…) has carried out reforms that we would not have accomplished even on our deathbed. Next year, we are expected to join the OECD, and for that, we need to roll up our sleeves a bit. And to bring a new law on companies in state ownership that should, after thirty years, break the political staffing through the knee. However, economist Velimir Šonje notes that the law will also be aided by several ‘external’ circumstances: the criteria for the implementation of the NPOO; labor market pressures where there is a shortage of workers and from which private entrepreneurs are increasingly demanding that the public sector stop absorbing the labor supply and that technological progress, productivity, and efficiency free hidden surpluses of labor supply; pressures from the financial market and pension funds on the government to ensure additional supply of quality shares; pressures from users on individual state-owned enterprises to finally improve the quality of public services. The law obviously has luck or everything is about timing.

However, it has been talked about for more than two years (since May 2022 when its draft was presented to the OECD), it seems more like it is being dragged out than written, and since last autumn, there has been no update. We know that according to the OECD’s task, the role of supervisory boards will be strengthened, which today more often serve for some compensation than actually supervise the work of management and KPI’s. Namely, these members should be elected through public tenders or exceptionally with the help of headhunting agencies from next year (the law is expected to be passed by the end of the year and come into force on January 1, 2025). There will also be an obligation to elect a certain number of independent members of supervisory boards to ensure more effective, responsible, and objective performance of their work. The law would also regulate the practice of the autonomy of supervisory boards to independently select management members. This would end the practice of the government directly appointing management based on political and suitable criteria, which have no practical responsibility. These are two key innovations that should shake the crony system.

The entire article can be read in the printed and digital edition of Lider.