The year that is now ‘counting down’ its remaining days has been better than we all hoped. It will be remembered as the first year of using the euro and entering the Schengen mechanism. Today, we are among 20 eurozone countries, with which we conduct nearly 60 percent of our foreign trade in goods and 52 percent of our services exchange, and among 27 countries in the Schengen area ‘without borders’, which spans 4.4 million square kilometers, an area larger than the entire European Union.
What are the effects of these integrations? At the forefront, especially at the beginning of the year, was the impact of conversion on price growth. After a media artillery preparation, the state launched a real crusade against evil traders, their large margins, and ‘excess profits’. It later turned out that the effects of euroization were felt only once, in January, and that the new currency contributed to overall inflation by at most 0.4 percent (as estimated by the HNB), or only 0.04 – 0.18 percentage points (as jointly estimated by Eurostat and DZS).
Imported inflation will not be exported
Traders explained in vain that they had not raised margins, that they were operating on the edge of profitability with margins below three percent, but prices continued to rise, in euros just slightly slower than the previous year in kunas. The inflation we ‘imported’, primarily with rising energy prices, began to fade in other countries, especially in the eurozone, but Croatia proved to be special in this regard. Just as we are dependent on imported goods, we have become dependent on imported inflation, which seems to have only slightly mutated here and remained most acute where the state intervened the most by freezing prices of about 30 ‘basic’ products.
Meanwhile, the state had around five billion euros of EU support available this year, which is one-fifth of the budget, so the government, without investment concerns, could generously direct the money wherever it pleased. Thus, the wage indexation, which the government, encouraged by higher tax inflows, diligently applied to all employees in state and public services, certainly contributed to the inflationary spiral and forced entrepreneurs to raise wages themselves, although without a basis in productivity growth. Therefore, they raised the prices of their products in the domestic market (when they could no longer succeed in exports). Concurrently, the labor pool was depleted, leading to a record import of workers this year, not only from neighboring countries but also from distant places, which will likely have additional, perhaps even dramatic repercussions in the coming years.
The climate future has begun
The future is inevitably approaching us; everyone is already feeling climate change. The planet is struggling between the battle for a sustainable tomorrow and current interests – which is beautifully reflected at the 28th climate conference, held ‘on enemy territory’ in Dubai, one of the world’s oil capitals. Meanwhile, Croatia also lacks effective responses, even short-term ones – on how to adapt to the dramatic warming of the sea and increasingly frequent and severe extremes in the form of floods and storms; let alone the adaptation of tourism, agriculture, and other activities.
Somewhat parallel to this, the Croatian drama with garbage, or waste, is unfolding. Landslides in Zagreb’s Jakuševac, a fire in the Drava in Osijek, the stench from Kaštijun and Marišćina are just peak examples of the chaos that reigns in Croatia. And it has been chaotic (also) with the epidemic of African swine fever. This already significant problem, due to the sloppy response of the state, has turned into a key point of the political battle for Slavonia.
Before pig farmers, protests and strikes occurred elsewhere, especially in the judiciary. Court reporters were in the longest strike in Croatia, lasting eight weeks, almost completely blocking the work of the courts. However, if the courts had been working at full capacity, they would not have been able to rule in all cases that testify to the continued disintegration of the state apparatus. News about the dismissals of the highest state officials has become commonplace. Andrej Plenković has ‘spent’ 30 ministers in seven years. However, new ones hungry for ‘their share’ in the tacitly agreed distribution come to replace those who left due to corruption.
The ministerial carousel continues
This year, three more ministers fell from the large circle of incompetents, but only one for not doing his job well – Minister of Construction Ivan Paladina. With his dismissal and the arrival of pragmatic Branko Bačić, serious reconstruction finally began, albeit three years after the earthquake. Mario Banožić from the Ministry of Defense was dismissed due to a traffic accident that caused the death of one person, and the investigation of this case was riddled with procedural gaps suggesting favoritism towards the (former) minister. The most recent dismissal of the head of the economic department Davor Filipović was caused by the case of his advisor Jurica Lovrinčević. However, the question is whether the compromising recording would have been sufficient for express dismissals if the prime minister had not realized that Lovrinčević was a mole working for the opposition, which is a sin greater than corruption. Thus, the ‘gas for a cent’ affair was elegantly concluded – Frane Barbarić had to leave HEP due to illegal construction, and his opponent from the Ministry due to corruption, or command responsibility, just to avoid further probing into the real causes and consequences.
