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Croatian Milk Will Not Be Saved by Lower VAT, but by Productive Farmers

The growth of industrial production and consumption of Croatian households, along with a good tourist season and increased demand from the European market, has resulted in an acceleration of economic activities this year; GDP growth in 2016 could reach 2.6 percent. Forecasts indicate that the Croatian economy will grow in the coming years at rates of 2.3 to 2.5 percent. Such economic dynamics might be sufficient if Croatian GDP were not at only 50 percent of the EU average and if Croatian public debt did not exceed 85 percent of GDP. Romania’s economy, for example, could simultaneously grow at rates of around four percent. The economies of Slovakia, Poland, and Hungary will continue to grow at rates of 3 to 3.5 percent.

The Collapse of Agricultural Incentives

In this context, the dynamics of the Croatian economy seem quite modest, and the gap in development between us and the countries of Western, and now certainly Central Europe, will widen. Croatia’s economy could, in principle, be more dynamic due to its numerous comparative advantages (location primarily). However, economic growth and the increase of national wealth in Croatia are below their natural potential solely due to reactive economic policies and the excessive share of the public sector in economic processes. Even when the Government’s sectoral policy appears active, that is, when it clearly intends to encourage economic actors to accelerate their activities, it often hinders growth acceleration by creating unproductive economic structures. For example, for more than a decade, Croatian governments have shaped and implemented fiscal incentives for agriculture that not only have not achieved effects on productivity growth in this sector but have created deep imbalances that are particularly visible today in crop and cattle farming. Numerous demagogic and populist calls are invoking a new wave of state interventionism that would finally (politically) determine ‘whether Croatia needs milk production’, limit the import of ‘bad milk’, and define (politically) a ‘minimum price’ based on the cost structure of Croatian farmers and their need for additional profits (due to high indebtedness). Some of the main arguments supporting demands for new state intervention, which appear in current discussions about the state of domestic dairy production, relate to ‘the low interest rates paid by European milk producers’ and the high VAT rate that domestic farmers pay on their input costs. Public discussions about the announced changes in the tax system (which are heading in a good direction but cannot be declared structural reforms and the most important government project) are often intoned with demands from farmers for tax reductions.

Low Productivity

The issue of low productivity levels in agricultural production is often overlooked. The average amount of milk production per cow in Croatia is, in fact, 30-40 percent lower than the average production in the EU. Deficits in productivity and competitiveness of Croatian farmers in the European environment cannot be eliminated by lower VAT rates or any form of state intervention, but exclusively through the application of knowledge, cooperation, and complete market orientation. Croatia indeed needs dairy production, for which there are undoubtedly potentials, but the current structure of this sector is unsustainable in the long term and cannot be a driver of regional growth and employment. Therefore, deep structural changes are needed, such as those we have seen in the livestock production of Austria and Ireland, which opted for organic production (Austria) and globally competitive production of high-value dairy products (Ireland) about a decade ago. The high tax burden on economic activities is certainly one of the most visible structural problems that truly hinders the accumulation of capital in the private sector, increases in investment, and the opening of new jobs. In this respect, the Government’s intention to lower taxes is welcome. But at the same time, reforms in the structure of public spending and the composition of relations between the central and local government must be initiated (local self-government simply must receive more fiscal revenues and greater responsibilities for its development). Structural changes in the public sector must also encompass the issue of continuing the privatization of state-owned enterprises, which many populist-inspired elected politicians oppose today. However, in addition to reforms, completely new visions of socio-economic development in the post-industrial age are necessary, in which mass production facilities, as many still remember, are unimaginable.